Family Environment,Heritage Language Profiles,and Socioemotional Well-being of Mexican-origin Adolescents with First Generation Immigrant Parents

Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Although Mexican-origin youth with first-generation immigrant parents are relatively good at retaining their heritage language of Spanish, limited research has...     

A note on the non-maximality of the optimal fines when the apprehension probability depends on the offense rate

This paper reconsiders the problem of optimal law enforcement when the apprehension probability depends on the offense rate as well as policing expenditures. A natural consequence of such an apprehension probability is the possible multiplicity of the equilibrium due to strategic complementarity, and the actual offense rate is realized by the self-fulfilling nature of the offense rate. If people believe that lowering the fine will lead to a lower offense rate, each individual will be less inclined to commit an illegal activity due to their expectation of a higher apprehension probability. Thus, the maximal fine is not socially optimal in this case.     

Security, nationalism and the pursuit of nuclear weapons and missiles: The South Korean case, 1970-82

South Korea decided to develop nuclear weapons and surface-to-surface missiles in the early 1970s. The Park Chung-hee administration made the decision because of its concern about a complete withdrawal of US forces from Korea following the Nixon Doctrine. Simultaneously, increasing nationalism within the administration, caused by its tumultuous relations with the United States, further strengthened such pursuits. Later, when faced with the US threat to withdraw security and economic assistance, the administration slowed down active development of nuclear weapons in 1976, but it continued missile development. However, the Chun Doo-hwan administration, inaugurated in 1980 after military coup and massacre, froze all weapons-related nuclear research and the missile programme. The Chun regime made such a change because it needed the support of the US to make up for its weakness in legitimacy and because the Reagan administration provided a solid defence commitment to South Korea.     

The Avalanche Perspective: women jurists in Korea 1952–2008

The author proposes and employs the Avalanche Perspective in analysing the entry of women into the Korean judiciary from the first pioneers in 1952 to the present. Starting from a general atmospheric warming trend towards women in postwar Korea, there developed instability in the status quo, then a breakthrough that led to a cascade of women participating in the legal profession. Although cultural resistance and political obstacles remained to be overcome, this quantitative expansion ultimately led to a greater acceptance of women’s participation in the judicial arena. Significant judicial changes that furthered the causes of women in contemporary Korea were coincident with women being members of the judiciary. The quantitative changes of the past fifty-six years opened the possibility of qualitative progress for women in the Korean judiciary. The Avalanche Perspective as applied to the judiciary in Korea, provides an understanding of the forces at work that have had a profound effect upon the place of women in the new cultural and political reality of the Korean people.

Lessons from the Asian Economic Crisis: A View from South Korea

Ha and Kim present a new reading of the East Asian crisis, focusing particularly on South Korea's experience. They argue that previous studies have ignored the political environment that paved the way for such an event. Neoliberal economists, according to the authors, were so enamoured with the example of the 'Asian tigers' and the ideal of unregulated markets that they were blind to the many warnings of an ensuing disaster. Economic systems can thus no longer rest on such a free-market capitalist ideal where no one controls the global economy, but must instead have a secure political base. As the financial crisis has shown, such international anarchy must be checked by a new set of international institutions. While the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) organisation did attempt to handle the crisis, it, along with Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), proved unable to do so. East Asia's leaders and theorists have been presented with the challenge of reforming this region's institutions and political orders in order to avoid another crisis, complete with all its social and political ramifications.